From "China's Economy"
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Free 10-min PreviewThe Evolution and Challenges of China's Urban Housing Market
Key Insight
Urban housing privatization in the late 1990s marked a significant turning point in China's economic history. Before this, most urban residents lived in work unit-assigned apartments, paying nominal rent, which stifled new construction and led to severe shortages, with only about 150 square feet of living space per person. Under state-owned enterprise reform, SOEs and government units were mandated to sell controlled housing to occupants at steep discounts to market value. Many families required government or employer subsidies, or concessional mortgages, and were often restricted from selling for typically five years. This program, akin to the UK's housing privatization but on a larger scale, created a massive wealth transfer.
This privatization represented one of history's greatest wealth transfers, totaling approximately $540 billion, or one-third of China's GDP in 2003, from the state to urban households. Families gained the capital appreciation their work units would have enjoyed. Rapid house price increases were sustained for over a decade because initial urban property prices were extraordinarily low due to the absence of an active market and state control of land. This guaranteed substantial gains for early buyers. Additionally, an acute housing shortage at the outset meant prices naturally soared as market conditions took hold. However, these benefits came at a significant cost, exacerbating inequality; those already in state-owned housing benefited immensely, while new urban migrants struggled, as the market was largely an 'insiders' game.'
By 2012, home ownership among urban hukou holders reached 70-80 percent, while migrant families' rates were 10 percent or less, with migrants often residing in dormitories or substandard housing. This also highlighted an urban bias in policymaking, granting urban households strong property rights while rural farmers retained limited land use rights, contributing to wealth inequality. Despite construction tripling from 600 million to 1.8 billion square meters annually between 1996 and 2012, and average urban housing prices rising 167 percent from 2003 to 2013, a 'housing bubble' like the US experienced is unlikely. Chinese buyers are not heavily indebted (minimum 20 percent down payment for owner-occupied, 60-70 percent for investment properties), incomes have generally risen faster than prices (average flat price fell from nine to less than seven years of average household income), and future urban population growth of around 200 million creates substantial demand. Government intervention to limit speculative price rises further stabilizes the market, with local governments converting empty high-end housing into affordable social housing for strong demand.
The market faces a fundamental issue of a two-tier system: an oversupply of high-end housing, driven by city governments profiting from land sales, and a shortage of affordable housing for migrants and low-income families. Since 2007, the government has implemented policies like severe restrictions on high-end property sales and a large-scale 'social housing' program, aiming for 36 million units during the 2011-2015 period. These measures moderated price increases and increased low-income housing options, though purchase restrictions were mostly lifted by 2015 due to excess high-end inventory. The social housing program, often lacking adequate funding and clear implementation guidance, resulted in varied outcomes, with richer cities renovating existing units and others building shoddy housing far from town centers. The emphasis is now shifting to upgrading existing low-quality housing for rent. The government anticipates increasing its role in housing provision, moving from a two-thirds market share to more directly subsidized or indirectly supported housing, which creates tension with its stated aim of empowering market forces.
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